"When Shall I Reach That Happy Place?" Apocalyptic Themes in the Hymns of the Stone-Campbell Movement

Vol. 38/No. 1 (1996)
"When Shall I Reach That Happy Place?" Apocalyptic Themes in the Hymns of the Stone-Campbell Movement
Jim Mankin and Jason Fikes
Abilene Christian University

When shall I reach that happy place,
And be forever blest?
When shall I see my Father's face,
And in His bosom rest?(1)
             --Samuel Stennett

A colleague first piqued my interest in this topic by asking, "What songs about heaven do you remember singing as you grew up?" After naming several dozen, he informed me that most of those are not in the present hymnal we use in worship. While not openly disagreeing, I resolved to check him out, and to my dismay found he was correct. In fact, there was a significant number of songs about eternal life and the coming kingdom left out from previous editions of the hymnal.(2)

More than just the number of songs was affected; a theological shift was also evident. In earlier years, there was a sense of longing for Christ's return, an apocalyptic worldview that saw Christians as pilgrims and strangers, somehow separate from the world and its values. Later songs reflected more of a conquering spirit that allows Christ and Christians to triumph over the world. To illustrate the former idea, this hymn was sung in the 1860's in the Stone-Campbell movement:

A song that would illustrate the latter idea is "The Lion of Judah," sung in the 1920s:

The Lion of Judah goes forth in His might,
To vanquish the wrong and establish the right,
To shatter the chains of the poor and oppressed,
And millions from Satan's dominion to wrest.
The glorious banner of Christ is unfurled,
The Lion of Judah shall conquer the world;
So free to the breezes with boldness we fling
The banner of Judah's all-conquering King.(3)

The Utilization of Apocalyptic Imagery During the Nineteenth Century

Wartime victories over the French and the British confirmed a new American identity: the nation destined to enjoy the blessings of God. The key difference between this new optimism and the progressive ideas of Jonathan Edwards was a more positive assessment of human ability.(4) More than simply receiving the grace of God, Christian Americans were to act as God's agents of change. The victories of the past would be followed by even greater future accomplishments. Optimism continued to swell as America looked to fulfill its destiny.

At the same time, the early American experience included fears and doubts. America was a place with ample dangers. Western expansion, though a symbol of opportunity, was filled with hazards. Not only was there the threat of anarchy, Christianity was nonexistent in most places. Without a centralized, government-supported religion, many feared the frontier would become a nest of paganism.(5) Likewise, Americans feared the continuing immigration of Europeans and the rise of Napoleon in France. The prevalent deism in France and the Catholic beliefs of many immigrants were viewed as threats to the new liberty.(6)

To allay these fears, most Americans embraced optimism and the idea that humankind could revolutionize the world. Yet this optimism soon extended beyond the possibility of simply revamping society. The impetus arose to perfect society. America was to be the kingdom of God on earth. Therefore anything less than the complete renovation of the world would debase the plan of God. In response, American Protestants seized the opportunity to work zealously as God's agents for change.

How did Protestants support this ideology? The most dominant expression of this optimistic orientation took the form of postmillennialism.(7) Briefly defined, postmillennialism suggested that at the climax of a sustained period of human progress and development, God would establish his kingdom on the earth.(8) For these optimists, the experience of present progress was viewed as either a precursor or actually the beginning of the millennium.

At the same time, it is important to note that not every voice in the nineteenth century harmonized with optimism. For example, the Millerites and Mormons took decidedly pessimistic stances concerning the present age, humankind, and the future.(9) Others such as Barton Stone, synthesized the dangers of frontier living with a strain of Calvinism to create a low estimation of human ability.(10) In the minds of these individuals, only God's intervention could bring renewal.

However, just as the majority of Protestants appealed to apocalyptic language to support optimism, these pessimists supported their claims with apocalyptic language. William Miller rooted his appeal for repentance in the imminent return of Christ. Joseph Smith called for the saints to separate from existing churches and to build a new Zion where they could escape a future judgment. Barton Stone even referred to apocalyptic language to support his apolitical attitude.(11) Therefore, both optimists and pessimists turned to apocalyptic imagery to support their outlooks on life.

Portraits of Two Early Leaders

In many ways the songs sung by followers of Barton Stone and Alexander Campbell are representative of the two men and their view-points: Stone (1772-1844) with his apocalyptic worldview and Campbell (1788-1866) and his rational, optimistic primitivism. It also finally led to the cleavage in their movements that resulted in the recognition in the 1906 U. S. Bureau of the Census of the Churches of Christ as distinct from the Disciples of Christ. As Richard Hughes has observed, the followers of Campbell could be viewed as "the party of hope," while Stone's followers were "the party of memory."(12)

When many followers of Stone united with the Campbell movement on January 1, 1832, in Lexington, Kentucky, the American Restoration Movement gained impetus. Already growing rapidly on the frontier, these Christian churches really began to spread across a large part of the South, the Midwest, and even into the Republic of Texas.(13) With the twin themes of unity and restoration, the movement seemed poised not only for growth but for great influence on American religion. Yet in many ways the movement followed the lead of the two reformers.

Campbell was a wealthy man of the world, in tune with society, and he believed that the complete restoration of apostolic institutions would aid in launching the millennium and the driving force would be "knowledge, scientific, political and religious."(14) He even called the journal that he edited from 1830 until his death in 1866 The Millennial Harbinger, and its teaching was predominantly postmillennial. When he died at his home in Bethany, he was the richest citizen in West Virginia. Perry Greshem, retired president of Bethany College, has estimated his worth in today's economy as $20 million.(15)

In contrast, Stone was a farmer-preacher who never had much of the world's goods; he experienced both poverty and deprivation. Stone and his followers had a decidedly anti-modern worldview that led them to a separation from the world.(16) Their lives were of simple holy living, and they even shunned political involvement. This led to their apocalyptic outlook and a view of the end times that often manifested itself in premil-lennial terminology.(17) The Christians were to be countercultural in order to show the true meaning of the kingdom as God's reign over human affairs.

Early Hymnbooks of the Movement

Stone, assisted by Thomas Adam, first published The Christian Hymn Book, Compiled and Published at the Request of the Miami Chris-tian Conference in 1829, with 340 hymns. Another Kentucky preacher, John T. Johnson, collaborated with Stone in the publishing of a new edition in 1832, which sold 3,000 copies. Campbell had issued a hymnal in 1828, free from "unscriptural sentimentality." In 1834 the two hymnals were combined under the name Psalms, Hymns and Spiritual Songs, Original and Selected, which went through at least five editions. It was widely used by the churches, and by the time of the 1843 edition, 100,000 copies had been sold. From 1851-1864, the hymnal was titled Christian Hymn Book.(18) For Campbell, there should be "one people, one Bible, one hymn book."(19) The songs in the hymnal included songs about eternal life and reflected the differing viewpoints of these men. With the emphasis on the apocalyptic view, from Stone's hymnal come these sentiments:

Farewell, vain world, I'm going home,
My Savior smiles and bids me come;
Bright angels beckon me away,
To sing God's praise in endless day.
I'm glad (though I was born to die):
From grief and wo [sic] my soul shall fly,
Bright angels shall convey me home,
Away to New Jerusalem.(20)

In Campbell's hymnal we find the idea of triumph in these words of two different songs:

Blow you the trumpet, blow
The gladly solemn sound!
Let all the nations know
To earth's remotest bound,
The year of Jubilee is come;
Return, you ransom'd sinners, home.(21)

And another,

When the King of kings comes,
When the Lord of lords comes,
We shall have a joyful day
When the King of kings comes:
To see the nations broken down,
And kingdoms once of great renown,
And saints, now suff'ring, wear the crown,
When the King of kings comes.(22)

The combined songbook of Stone and Campbell represents their mutual desire for unity and did not question the disparity between their worldviews. It includes such well-known songs as "Lo! He Comes with Clouds Descending," "On Jordan's Stormy Banks I Stand," "There Is a Fountain Filled with Blood," "On Zion's Glorious Summit Stood," "Lo! What a Glorious Sight Appears," "There Is a Land of Pure Delight," and "Jerusalem, My Happy Home."(23) However, Campbell had two genuine concerns about the hymnal. First, he contended that printed musical notations detracted the worshipper, because the individual would fix his eyes on "the notes of a tune" while engaged in the praise of God. Second, Campbell believed that "the subject must be scriptural; the language used must express inspired ideas and sentiments; and the versification must be grave, chaste, and natural."(24)

Campbell may have expressed a sentiment that was not unknown to earlier Americans. In Colonial America, and into the 18th century, Christians struggled with whether the members should learn to sing their music correctly and whether they should learn to read notes. For them to sing correctly was nearly as "devilish as witchcraft."(25) Interestingly, Campbell turned over his songbook to the American Christian Missionary Society in 1864 for publication, and following his death, they included the musical notations in the new edition of 1871.

The Influence of David Lipscomb

In many ways the teachings and worldview of Barton Stone were picked up by David Lipscomb (1831-1917) and even expanded. For nearly fifty years, Lipscomb was editor of the Gospel Advocate, so he had a journal to expound his news as well as Bible school literature and song- books that were sold through the Gospel Advocate Co. in Nashville.

The Civil War caused such dramatic changes in the South that Lipscomb's entire philosophy of government was changed. He moved to the position of the Christian's total separation from involvement in gov-ernment, even to not voting. In 1868, Lipscomb wrote that paying taxes is a duty we owe to Christ and His kingdom, "but in all the teachings of Christ and the Holy Spirit, not one word is given telling Christians how they should act as active participators or rulers of human government."(26) He even confessed that "no one ever saw a single individual improved morally by engaging in politics," since it was against the spirit of the lowly Son of God.(27) Lipscomb did not change his mind with the passing years. In 1912 he stated, "Over fifty years ago I studied the relation the Christian sustains to civil government. . . . My conclusion was, and is, made stronger by every investigation, that Christians should take no active part in upholding civil government."(28)

Lipscomb's influence was great and affected the thinking of numerous leaders of the Restoration Movement as to their worldview. The list would include his cofounder of the Nashville Bible School, James A. Harding; J. N. Armstrong, first president of Harding College; Samuel P. Pittman, longtime teacher at David Lipscomb College; and R. C. Bell, a Bible teacher at Abilene Christian College.

New Songbooks of the Movement

After the Great Awakening new songbooks were needed, resulting from improved singing and the introduction of choirs, as well as the rise of singing schools to further improve the singing in the churches. Russell Squire has observed that "the singing school is generally considered to be the beginning of music education in the church," and it was greatly enhanced by the introduction of the shaped note system for "indicating the sol-fa syllables by Andrew Law (1748-1821)."(29)

The latter part of the 19th century saw the development of a new genre of songs known as Sunday School songs, primarily cheerful verses and catchy tunes that would appeal to children and youth. These were written by such songwriters as William Bradbury, George F. Root, Robert Lowery, and Phillip P. Bliss. Another type of music was the gospel song, which arose during the period of the Moody-Sanky revivals and were very popular. These were songs characterized by lighter themes with a refrain following the stanzas and were subjective in nature as a means of personal testimony.(30) For most Americans the gospel song became the church's folk music, yet the differences between worldviews were largely overlooked.(31)

Since the needs of the brotherhood were changing in regard to music in songbooks, the Gospel Advocate Co. decided to publish a hymnal. The first one, Christian Hymns, was published in 1889 by E. G. Sewell, co-editor of the Gospel Advocate, and Rigdon M. McIntosh, music editor of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. One of the most beloved evangelists of his day, T. B. Larimore (1843-1929), joined with William J. Kirkpatrick, music editor of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, to produce The New Christian Hymn Book in 1907. It included such familiar songs as "Face to Face," "Will Jesus Find Us Watching?" "When We All Get to Heaven," "When the Roll Is Called up Yonder," and "God Be with You till We Meet Again." In all, thirty-four songs were concerned about eternal life. Yet there are some that portray a distinctive apocalyptic view that things will get better. Notice these words:

We are marching, onward marching,
To that land of light above,
Where no burning tears of sorrow dim the eyes,
Where the ransomed ones are singing
of the Savior's wondrous love,
We shall reign with Him in glory by and by.(32)

Another declares,

Hark ten-thousand harps and voices,
Sound the note of praise above;
Jesus reigns, and heaven rejoices,
Jesus reigns, the God of love.
See He sits on yonder throne,
Jesus rules the world above;
Hallelujah, Hallelujah!
Hallelujah, Hallelujah, Amen.(33)

In 1923, T. B. Mosley, a songwriter from Alabama; C. M. Pullias, a prominent minister in Texas and Tennessee; and S. P. Pittman, a teacher at David Lipscomb College, edited Choice Gospel Hymns for the Gospel Advocate Co. Out of 315 songs, 34 were about heaven. It seemed no one was concerned with the use of apocalyptic language in lyrics. For example, "The Kingdom Is Coming," with lyrics by Mrs. M. B. C. Slade and music by R. M. McIntosh, is the most interesting.

From all the dark places,
Of earth's heathen races,
Oh, see how the thick shadows fly!
The voice of salvation
Awakes every nation,
Come over and help us, they cry.

The sunlight is glancing
O'er armies advancing
To conquer the kingdom of sin,
Our Lord shall possess them,
His presence shall bless them,
His beauty shall enter them in.
With shouting and singing,
And jubilant ringing,
Their arms of rebellion cast down,
At last every nation,
The Lord of Salvation,
Their King and Redeemer shall crown!
The kingdom is spreading,
Oh, tell ye the story,
God's banner exalted shall be!
The earth shall be full of his knowledge and glory,
As waters that cover the sea!(34)

In the 1930 edition of Great Songs of the Church, compiled by E. L. Jorgenson, is the hymn "O Mother Dear, Jerusalem" credited to F. B. P. written in the 16th century. In the Great Songs of the Church, Number Two, this song is omitted. Observe these words that were sung by members of Churches of Christ,

O mother dear, Jerusalem,
When shall I come to thee?
When shall my sorrows have an end?
The joys when shall I see?
O happy harbor of the saints!
O sweet and pleasant soil!
In thee no sorrow may be found,
No grief, no care, no toil.(35)

The Premillennial Controversy

With the issue of premillennialism, dark clouds appeared on the horizon for Churches of Christ. Although this controversy was anticipated with the publication of articles on prophecy by Robert H. Boll (1875- 1956) in 1915 on the front page of the Gospel Advocate and continued with his advocacy of premillennial views in his journal Word and Work published in Louisville, Kentucky, the real battle over premillennialism took place in the 1930s and 1940s. Part of the reason for this surge of interest in the topic was changing ideas in the brotherhood following World War I, with strong pressure for Christians to support the war effort. The themes of separation from the world and dependence on God such as Stone and Lipscomb shared were now beginning to be out of step with the progress of America.(36)

The one man who led the attack on premillennialism and marked individuals who were premillennialist was Foy E. Wallace Jr. (1896- 1979). Considered by most brethren as a powerful Texas evangelist, Wallace transformed into an issue-conscious preacher when he was named editor of the Gospel Advocate in 1930. This gave him a forum he had not had before among the brotherhood, and he wielded his pen against the issue of premillennialism, meanwhile thriving on the controversy. In January 1933, Wallace debated these issues with Charles Neal of Winchester, Kentucky, adding even greater to his image as a "defender of the faith."(37)

Wallace edited the Gospel Advocate from 1930 to 1934, before starting his own paper, the Gospel Guardian, in 1935 for the express purpose of destroying premillennialism among Churches of Christ. Then in 1938 he founded yet another paper, the Bible Banner, in which he attacked both premillennialism and pacifism.(38) Wallace specifically attacked Robert Boll and those associated with him in Louisville such as E. L. Jorgenson, editor of Great Songs of the Church, in a special issue of the Gospel Guardian in January 1936.(39)

Jorgenson revised his songbook in 1937, coming out with a "number two" edition. At least twelve songs about the future life of the Christian are left out from the original edition. Yet one of the songs that was criticized as teaching premillennialism, "Jesus Is Our Loving Shepherd" (by Mrs. W. S. Stroud, with music by Flavil Hall, both members of Churches of Christ) was left in the number two edition. The words are as follows:

Jesus is our loving Shepherd,
And He is a faithful guide,
He is coming back from heaven
For the church of Christ, His bride.

He has promised all the faithful
That He'll come to earth again;
And to glory will receive them,
Evermore with Him to reign.(40)

Tensions were high among members of Churches of Christ, and even what was sung or the songbook used was under close scrutiny as a test of being a "loyal Christian," that is, not a premillennialist. Flavil Hall went so far as to modify the words of "All Hail the Power of Jesus' Name" in his 1946 hymnal, The "More Perfect" Gospel Hymnal, so that it did not contain the line "And crown Him Lord of all." The new arrangement was as follows:

All hail to King Immanuel!
His might and pow'rs proclaim;
"Bring forth the royal diadem"
And praise His matchless name.

Ye ransomed in the Christian race,
Keep e'er your hope aflame;
"Hail Him who saves you by His grace,"
And praise His wondrous name.(41)

Ellis J. Crum in 1956 followed this idea of revising songs even more drastically so as "to remove all false teachings and sectarian ideas."(42) His version of "All Hail the Power" changed the final line to read "And crowned Him Lord of all!" in the first stanza, and "And praise Him, Judge of all!" for the fourth stanza.(43)

The Firm Foundation Co. of Austin, Texas, issued a hymnal in 1938, compiled by Thomas S. Cobb, musician, and G. H. P. Showalter, editor of the Firm Foundation. For the first time in a hardback edition of a hymnal that would be used by Churches of Christ were Stamps-Baxter songs, a kind of Southern gospel music. Among these selections were "No Tears in Heaven," "We'll Understand Better Some Day," "The Gospel of Eden in Glory," "The New Song," and "Farther Along."(44) These were largely depression-era songs that had great appeal because of the lead parts and syncopation. Thomas Olbricht writes of singing this kind of songs as a teenager because they "depreciated the world and longed for a more blessed existence beyond."(45) None of the songs in the Firm Foundation hymnal could be criticized for being premillennial, and perhaps the timing was ripe to counter negative reaction to the Jorgenson's hymnal.

By 1948, when Christian Hymns, No. Two, came from the press, L. O. Sanderson thought it necessary to modify the third stanza of "There's a Royal Banner" so that it not be under the suspicion of being unorthodox,

When the great Commander, from the vaulted sky,
Sounds the resurrection day,
Then before our King the faint and foe shall die,
And the saints shall march away.(46)

In Jorgenson's hymnal the words were as follows:

When the glory dawns--'tis drawing very near,
It is hastening day by day--
Then before our King the foe shall disappear,
And the cross the world shall sway.(47)

Not everyone agreed with Wallace's method any more than they did with his teachings. One prominent minister who opposed his attitudes toward those with whom he differed was G. C. Brewer (1884-1956). In 1934 he delivered "A Plea for Unity" at the Abilene Christian College annual lectureship. He asked, "If we become as radical in opposing something as the other man is in advocating it, then are we no less one-sided than he is?" In his lecture earlier he had said that the questions on "the millennium or some other fanciful, far-fetched idea should not separate us from having unity." Then in his conclusion Brewer said,

Littleness, captiousness, Phariseeism dwarfs the soul, para-lyzes the heart, and irritates sympathy and love and other noble impulses at their very sources. Such a spirit stabs spiritual religion dead at your feet and turns you into a rabid, ranting, rag-chewing, hair-splitting hypocrite as self-deceived, self-righteous and self-assured of your own "loyalty" and "soundness" as the ancient Pharisees who were your exact prototype. Let us examine ourselves to see if we be in the faith (2 Cor 13:5) and cease to judge and disfellowship each other.(48)


By the 1950s the premillennial controversy had been fought and was over, and new concerns surfaced in the brotherhood over institutionalism and cooperation. A new battle would now be waged about orphan homes and the "Herald of Truth" radio program as to their scripturalness and appropriate response from the church treasury. The issue of worldview faded into the past, and those who felt "this world is not my home" were tolerated and considered quaint at best and out of step with modernity's progress at worst. Churches of Christ were growing rapidly following World War II, and congregations were being established in every state and several foreign countries.

The views of Stone and Lipscomb and their followers were ignored. The Howard songbooks, published in more recent years, have included many songs about heaven and the eternal home, but almost none that would have the idea of Christians being pilgrims and strangers here. For example, Songs of the Church has forty-one songs listed as heaven-and-home songs but they are either gospel songs (1880-1920) or the Stamps-Baxter variety. Any song that had been accused of smacking of premillennialism has been removed.(49) The same is true for the 21st Century Edition published in 1990, which has a section of seventy-six selections on heaven, twelve of which are Stamps-Baxter songs and with several others of that type.(50) By 1994 when Songs of Faith and Praise came from the press with its excess of one thousand selections, the songs about heaven numbered fifty-one. Predominant are songs such as "I'll Fly Away," "Mansion over the Hilltop," "When All of God's Singers Get Home," "To Canaan's Land I'm on My Way," mixed in with "When We All Get to Heaven," "On Jordan's Stormy Banks," "No Tears in Heaven," and "Peace in the Valley."(51)

In a sense, by the end of World War II, the Stone-Campbell movement gave up singing any songs with an apocalyptic worldview. We had lost most of the spirit of being countercultural and given in to the prevailing view of the triumph of modernism. It is evident from examining our hymnals that they have been altered from the earliest days of our movement so as to leave out objectionable songs from the standpoint of worldview or possible premillennial ideas. We as a fellowship adapted to the stringent demarcations of Foy Wallace Jr. Perhaps as we face the third millennium, we need to restudy the issue to see if the ideas of a Stone or a Lipscomb have some relevance for our time. Since we are called to be "aliens and strangers in this world" (1 Pet 2:11), we need again to raise the question "When shall I reach that happy place, and be forever blest?"



 1. "On Jordan's Stormy Banks I Stand," text Samuel Stennett, written in 1787 and found in many hymnals. The tune "Evergreen Shore" by Tullius C. O'Kane was written in 1877, while the tune "Promised Land" was adapted by Rigdon M. McIntosh in 1895.

 2. Great Songs of the Church, rev. ed., ed. by Forrest McCann and Jack Boyd, Abilene, TX: ACU Press, 1986. E. L. Jorgenson as the original editor issued Great Songs of the Church from Louisville, KY, in 1921 and then made significant revisions for the Number Two edition issued in 1937.

 3. Great Songs of the Church (ed. E. L. Jorgenson; Louisville: Word & Work, 1922. #310, "The Lion of Judah," text W. C. Martin).

 4. For an outline of Jonathan Edwards's eschatology, see C. C. Goen, "Jonathan Edwards: A New Departure in Eschatology," CH 28 (1959) 25-40.

 5. See Winthrop Hudson and John Corrigan, Religion in America: An Historical Account of the Development of American Religious Life, 5th ed. (New York: MacMillan, 1992) 131-33.

 6. William McLoughlin, "Revivalism," in The Rise of Adventism, ed. Edwin Gaustad (New York: Harper and Row, 1974) 139-41; Buss, 11.

 7. For an excellent survey of the rise of postmillennialism see James Moorhead, "Between Progress and Apocalypse: A Reassessment of Millennialism in American Religious Thought," Journal of American History 71 (1984) 524-42.

 8. Also during this period, wars were seen as an advancement of society; see James Moorhead, American Apocalypse: Yankee Protestants and the Civil War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978).

 9. For excellent surveys of the career and beliefs of William Miller see Ernest R. Sandeen, The Roots of Fundamentalism: British and American Millenarianism, 1830-1930 (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1970); For a survey of the career and beliefs of Joseph Smith see Grant Underwood, The Millenarian World of Early Mormonism (Chicago: University of Illinois, 1993).

 10. Richard Hughes, "The Apocalyptic Origins of Churches of Christ," Religion and American Culture 2 (1992)188-91, 207.

 11. Hughes, 190-91.

 12. Ibid.

 13. Leroy Garrett, The Stone-Campbell Movement: An Anecdotal History of the Three Churches (Joplin, MO: College Press, 1981) 250-51.

 14. A Reformed Clergyman [Alexander Campbell], "The Millennium-No. 3" Millennial Harbinger 5 (October 1834) 549; see also "The Millennium-No. 7" Millennial Harbinger 6 (March 1835) 105; "The Millennium-No. 8" Millennial Harbinger 6 (April 1835) 148.

 15. Interview Perry Greshem, "Light from Above: The Life of Alexander Campbell," video series edited by Bill Humble, Center for Restoration Studies, ACU Press, 1988.

 16. Barton W. Stone, "The Millennium" The Christian Messenger 7 (October 1833) 312-14.

 17. Ibid.

 18. Forrest McCann, "Hymnals of the Restoration Movement," ResQ 19 (1976) 26, 29.

 19. Enos Dowling, "The Alexander Campbell Hymn Book (1828-1865)," ResQ 30 (1988) 152.

 20. B. W. Stone and Tho. Adams, compilers, The Christian Hymn Book (Georgetown, KY: N. L. Finnell, Pr., 1829) Hymn 298. L. M.

 21. Alexander Campbell, Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs (Bethany, VA, 1831) Song 12-Particular Meter (93).

 22. Ibid. Song 4-Particular Meter (83).

 23. Alexander Campbell, W. Scott, B. W. Stone, and J. T. Johnson, compilers, Psalms, Hymns, and Spiritual Songs (Bethany, VA: Printed by A. Campbell, 1854). Selections arranged under the categories of "Judgement, Christian's Hope, Rank, Honors, and Future Glory," 377-400.

 24. Alexander Campbell, "The Christian Psalmist," Millennial Harbinger Third Series, 3 (March 1847) 179, and "Christian Psalmody-No. III" Millennial Harbinger Third Series, 1 (July 1844) 290.

 25. Russell N. Squire, Church Music (St. Louis: The Bethany Press, 1962) 217.

 26. David Lipscomb, "Can Christians Vote?" Gospel Advocate 10 (Oct. 8, 1868) 974.

 27. Ibid., 975.

 28. David Lipscomb, "Our Position'" Gospel Advocate 54 (Aug. 22, 1912) 953. His biographer, Robert Hooper, stated that Lipscomb's ideas on the subject of human government were closest akin to that of Augustine's City of God.

 29. Squire, 219-20.

 30. William Loyd Hooper, Church Music in Transition (Nashville: Broad-mans, 1963) 96-97.

 31. Even though William Hooper, an expert in musicology, wrote that no great contributions have been made to American hymnology from the Disciples of Christ, he did suggest that the work of Charles and James Fillmore, sons of A. D. Fillmore, and founders of Fillmore Brothers Music Company in Cincinnati. One of the music compositions of James Fillmore, with words by Jessie Brown Pounds, another Disciple, is "I Know That My Redeemer Liveth," written in 1893.

I know that my redeemer liveth,
And on the earth again shall stand,
I know eternal life he giveth,
That grace and power are in His hand.
            Great Songs of the Church, 1935 edition, #126.

Yet for many in Churches of Christ, an adaptation of that song would be both more familiar and more acceptable with less premillennial reign, with words arranged by Fred Fillmore, another son of A. D. Fillmore.

I know that my Redeemer lives,
And ever prays for me;
I know eternal life he gives,
From sin and sorrow free.
            L. O. Sanderson, ed. Christian Hymns (Nashville: Gospel Advocate Co.) #5.

 32. T. B. Larimore and W. J. Kirkpatrick, ed., The New Christian Hymn Book (Nashville: McQuiddy Printing Co., 1907) #141, words by J. B. Mackay and music by William J. Kirkpatrick.

 33. Ibid., #157, words by Thomas Kelly and music by Lowell Mason.

 34. T. B. Mosley, C. M. Pullias, and S. P. Pittman, eds., Choice Gospel Hymns (Nashville: Gospel Advocate Co., 1923) #6.

 35. Great Songs of the Church, 1930, #255.

 36. Robert E. Hooper. A Distinct People: A History of the Churches of Christ in the Twentieth Century. (West Monroe, LA: Howard Publishing Co., 1993) 88-92; Richard T. Hughes "The Apocalyptic Origin of Churches of Christ and the Triumph of Modernism," Religion and American Culture 212 (1992) 199-202.

 37. Hooper, 140-43.

 38. Hughes, 203.

 39. Foy E. Wallace Jr., "The History of the Boll Movement" Gospel Guardian 2 (January 1936) 1-3. Wallace even had his own songbook for his revival meeting with Basil Doran as the song leader, Gospel in Song (Nashville: Gospel Advocate Co., n.d.). Wallace edited the words for Marrion Davis's Complete Christian Hymnal (Fayette, AL: Davis Publishing Co., 1940).

 40. Great Songs of the Church, Number Two, 1937. #123.

 41. Flavil Hall, editor in chief. The "More Perfect" Gospel Hymnal (Atlanta: The J. M. Henson Music Co., 1946) #1. This explanation is found at the end of the song, "This version of 'All Hail the Power' is not intended as a repudiation of the old form. Though Christ was crowned king upon the ascension, all unredeemed peoples must crown (enthrone) Him in their heart as Lord, or they cannot be saved."

 42. Ellis J. Crum, Sacred Selections for the Church (Kendallville, IN: Sacred Selections, 43d ed., 1978) Preface. Crum edited many songs, including "When We All Get to Heaven," which became "When the Saved Get to Heaven."

 43. Ibid, #19.

 44. Thomas S. Cobb and G. H. P. Showalter, The New Wonderful Songs for Work and Worship (Austin: Firm Foundation Publishing Co., 1938). The hymnal contains forty-nine songs about heaven and the eternal life including such standards as "Face to Face," "There Is a Habitation," "Shall We Gather at the River?" and "There's a Land That Is Fairer Than Day (Sweet By and By)."

 45. Thomas H. Olbricht. He Loves Forever: The Message of the Old Testament (Austin: Sweet Publishing Co., 1980) 24. His example is "This World Is Not My Home."

 46. L. O. Sanderson, ed., Christian Hymns, No. Two (Nashville: Gospel Advocate Co., 1948) #429.

 47. Great Songs of the Church, Number Two, #265.

 48. G. C. Brewer, "A Plea for Unity," Abilene Christian College Bible Lectures, 1934 (Austin: Firm Foundation Publishing House) 183-84.

 49. Alton Howard, ed. Songs of the Church (West Monroe, LA: Howard Publishers, 1977).

 50. Alton Howard, ed., Songs of the Church,21st Century Edition (West Monroe, LA: Howard Publishers, 1990). "Heaven" selections numbered 476-552.

 51. Alton Howard, ed., Songs of Faith and Praise (West Monroe, LA: Howard Publishing Co., Inc., 1994). "Heaven" selections, numbered 850-900 ("Songs and readings celebrating the hope and wonder of heaven").

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