Vol. 3 No. 2 (1959): 72–78
Daily Life as Evidenced in the Papyri
J. D. Thomas
Though it is well over a century since the first papyri were found more than a half century since some of the great “finds” and since interest in them increased, we have yet much to learn from them and, no doubt, many more are yet to be found. We now have “dated” non-literary papyri for every single year of the first century A. D.
The papyri discoveries are especially valuable in that they furnish information in areas otherwise unknown. Their assistance in the determination of the true character of the language of the New Testament and knowledge of its vocabulary is well known. They have also aided the study of textual problems and furnish an accurate picture of the environment of early Christianity. This latter help comes largely through the non-literary writings, which are distinguished by the very fact that they were written to a select group of readera and not for the public. These non-literary works include private letters of all sorts, official documents and correspondence, contracts, decrees, petitions, leases, wills, et cetera. We find medical prescriptions: magical charms: tax receipts, sales and other types of taxes: reports of court trials: petitions to the Epistates: order for arrest; complaints of assault: death, birth census and pauper records; marriage and divorce documents: priest’s revenue returns; mortgages, bank loans: and an account list of a beer-seller. Thus we are enabled to see life as it actually was—to step as it were, out of twentieth century U. S. A. and back into first, second, or third century Oxyrhynchus and actually see and meet those people and hear them tell of their problems and tribulations.
Our purpose in this paper is to select pertinent materials from the vast supply, so as to present to New Testament students as accurate a picture as possible of Family Life in ancient Egypt, as an environmental factor of the early Christian movement.
The family seemed to be the social unit in ancient Egyptian Life, rather than the individual. Marriage contracts thus formed an important part of the satisfactory relationships of this social factor. A good example is this contract, dated 92 B. C.:
The year 22, Mecheir 11. Philliskos son of Appollonius, Persian of the Epigone, acknowledges to Appollonia also called Kellauthis, daughter of Heraclides, Persian, with her guardian her brother Appolonius, that he has received from her in copper money two talents and four thousand drachmae, which is the dowry agreed upon by him for her, Appollonia. . . . The keeper of the contract is Dionysius. (The foregoing is in the first hand; then in the second hand—)
[73] In the twenty second year of the reign of Ptolemy also called Alexander, the god Philometer, in the priesthood of Alexander’s priest and of the rest as written in Alexandria, on the month Xandikos 11, Mecheir 11, at Kerkeosiris of the division of Polemon of the Arsinoite nome. Philiskos, son of Appollonius, Persian of the Epigone, acknowledges to Apollonia, also called Kellauthis, daughter of Heraclides, Persian, with her guardian her brother Appollonius, that he has received from her in copper money two talents and four thousand drachmae, the dowry agreed upon by him for her, Apollonia. Apollonia shall remain with Philiskos, obeying him as a wife should obey her husband, owning their property jointly with him. Philiskos, whether he is at home or away from home, shall furnish Apollonia with everything necessary and clothing and whatsoever is proper for a wedded wife, in proportion to their means. It shall not be lawful for Philiskos to bring home another wife in addition to Apollonia nor to have a concubine or boy-lover, nor to beget children by another woman while Apollonia is alive nor to maintain another house of which Apollonia is not mistress, nor to eject or insult or illtreat her nor to alienate any of their property with injustice to Apollonia. If he be shown to be doing any of these things or does not furnish her with what is necessary or clothing or the rest as stipulated, Philiskos shall immediately pay back to Apollonia the dowry of the two talents and four thousand drachmae of copper. In the same way it shall not be lawful for Apollonia to spend night or day away from the house of Philiskos without Philiskos’ knowledge, or to have intercourse with another man or to ruin the common household or to bring shame upon Philiskos in whatever causes a husband shame. If Apollonia voluntarily wishes to separate from Philiskos, Philiskos shall pay back to her the bare dowry within ten days from the day it is demanded. If he does not pay it back as stipulated he shall immediately forfeit the dowry he has received plus one half. The witnesses are Dionysius, son of Patron, Dionysius, son of Hermaiskos, Theon, son of Ptolemaeus, Didymus, son of Ptolemaeus, Dionysius, son of Dionysius, Heracles, son of Diocles, all six Macedonians of the Epigone. The keeper of the contract is Dionysius. (Then follows in a third hand)
I, Philiskos, son of Appolonius, Persian of the Epigone, acknowledge that I have received the dowry, two talents and four thousand drachmae of copper, as written above, and I have deposited the agreement, which is valid, with Dionysius. Dionysius, son of Hermaiskos, the aforesaid, wrote for him since he is illiterate. (Then in the fourth hand)
I, Dionysius, have the contract which is valid. (Again, in the first hand)
Registered the year 22, Mecheir 11.1
This particular contract is quite lengthy, perhaps because of the amount of the dowry. In this case, it might be surprising that Philiskos was illiterate, however. The dowry was regular. Some cases of brother-sister marriages were known-thought to be illustrated
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1 Winter, J. G., “Life and Letters in the Papyri,” p. 119f.
[74] in the “Hilarion to Alis, his sister” papyrus, though this may have been a tender form of address.
Not all marriages were happy ones. “Writings of divorcement” are frequent—generally of a contractual nature, stipulating the amount of returned dowry, the fact of their making no future claims upon each other, sometimes mentioning the return of a “super-dowry” (over the regular amount), generally attributing the trouble to “some evil demon,” and expressing a sort of disappointment that it had not worked out. There were complaints, too, of unhappy relationships that had not yet ended in divorce, as one dated 20-50 A. D.:
. . . But Sara pion, after he had squandered my dowry to suit himself, continually illtreated, insulted, and attacked me, deprived me of the necessaries of life: finally he deserted me leaving me in destitution. I therefore beg you to order him to be brought before you, in order that he may be compelled perforce to pay back my dowry plus a half. This petition is without prejudice to any other claims which I have or may have against him.2
Another instance is more severe, as to treatment by the husband, who maltreats the slaves and foster daughters to learn what the wife had done with his property; and vexed his wife’s soul, criticizing her for going off to church and declaring: “After a month 1 am going to get myself a harlot.”3
In addition to these eggraphos gamos, or recorded marriages, with their full legal obligations as to rights, property, et cetera, there was another type, agraphos gamos, legal but not recorded, in which the agreement was simply one of living together, which arrangement could be terminated by either party without penalties. It seems to have been expected from the outset to be only temporary, and might later result in an eggraphos gamos. The unrecorded marriages were generally set for a period of five months, and perhaps were prompted by passion, as magical incantations indicate, for example: “Cause Nike, daughter of Appolonous, to love Pantous whom Tmesios bore, for five months.”
Parent-child relationships were, on the whole, normal. We find letters expressing tender solicitude both from child to parent and from parents to children. Because of the deep grief of Taonnophris and Philo over the loss of a child, their friend Irene consoles them, stating that she weeps over their child as she did her own Didymas.4 Children had toys. Several dolls have been found in the excavations at Karanis, and some small wooden horses, mounted on wheels, with pulling strings, are now to be found in the Michigan Museum. One
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2 Winter, J. G., op. cit., p. 126.
3 Ibid., p. 127 (4th C. A. C.).
4 Deissmann, Light From the Ancient East, p. 176 (2nd C. A. D.).
[75] writer mentions sending eight toys for the “little Theon.”5 One Theonas was a rather tart little fellow, however:
Theon to Theon his father greeting. Thou hast done well. Thou hast not carried me with thee to the town. If thou wilt not carry me with thee to Alexandria. I will not write thee a letter, nor speak thee, nor wish thee health. But if thou goest to Alexandria, I will not take hand from thee, nor greet thee again henceforth. If thou wilt not carry me, these things come to pass. My mother also said to Archelaus. “he driveth me mad: away with him.” But thou hast done well. Thou hast sent me great gifts,—locust beans. They deceived us there on the 12th day, when thou didst sail. Finally, send for me, I beseech thee. If thou sendest not, I will not eat nor drink. Even. so. Fare thee well, I pray. Tybi 18.6
Illegitimate children are not on a social par with their fellows, there even being a law against registering their birth, in the public record. One Sempronia Gemella, caused “written testimonies” to be made of the birth of her illegitimate twins, because of this law.7
We are touched by the letter of Hilarion to Alis, in which he tells her to “cast out” her expected child at birth if it is female.8 This is the only papyrus mentioning this practice, though there is other evidence, and a Christian condemnation of the practice. Frequently, cast out children were rescued from the “dung-heap” and put out to professional nurses to bring up. Wealthy people also used professional nurses, and we find many contracts stipulating the arrangements. One court trial considers the kidnapping of the child of a nurse, because the kidnapper thought the child was his, whom he had paid the woman to nurse. The nurse claimed that his child had died and that the living one was her own. The judge rendered his decision on the fact that the child favored the mother in looks, but he required the nurse to repay all monies received for her nursing services.9
Not all the Greeks were educated, nor all the Egyptians uneducated, though the education of the latter was largely limited to the priestly family and the well-to-do. There were no public schools,
and the children were taught by tutors or by private schools. Many school exercises have been found and evidence of the study of Homer and Cicero are noted. Frequently there is mention in official documents that someone else other than the negotiating party had signed the document in his behalf, since he “did not know letters.” Children of the poorer classes were put to work or into an apprenticeship as soon as possible.
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5 P. S. I. IX, (2nd or 3rd Cent.).
6 Deissman, A., op. cit., p. 201f. (2nd or 3rd Cent. A. D.).
7 Winter, J. G. Ibid., p. 55 (145 A. D.).
8 Deissman, op. cit. p. 167f (1 B.C.).
9 Milligan, G., Selections From the Greek Papyri, p. 48 f (A. D. 49).
[76] Such emotional experiences as we have today were also the lot of the ancient Egyptians. Sorrow, consolation, sympathy, contrition, affection and anxiety are all noted and are the result of life experiences such as ours of the present century—death, absence, guilty consciences, fears, love affairs, et cetera. They had their troubles and vicissitudes of life also, prompted by financial troubles, robberies, marital problems, and the like. Many sought relief from these ills by petitions to the authorities, or in court action.
As we turn to consider matters in the economic realm it may be interesting just here to note some references to food and eating:
For dinner on the 5th, A Canopic liver; for dinner on the 6th, 10 oysters, 1 lettuce; for dinner on the 7th, 2 small loaves, 1 fattened bird from the water, 2 snipe (?).10
I received the fine flour which was good. Run over to the house lest my mother has need of anything. Give my regards to Pausition and Hermias and Heraclides and . . . and your brother’s wives and the children and all those who love you. If you corne upon any mustard relish, buy it and make pickle for us. If you are making anything good, make some extra for the brother’s house. As for the rest, good-bye. The 13th year of Tiberius Caesar Augustus, Epeiph 12.11
Slavery was a common thing, yet there were “superior” slaves that were considered highly by the family. We have several documents apparently written by slaves or former slaves, in terms of great endearment. One such is mentioned as the most sentimental writing among the papyri.
Manumission of slaves was frequent, often done in this manner: The slave would deposit his savings in the temple treasury. Then the owner would “sell” the slave to the god, receiving the money from the treasury, and the slave being henceforth the protege of the god. Strict regulations as to the fact that he could no more become a slave, especially to the former owner, were generally incorporated in the agreement.
Financial transactions were conducted through normal channels. There were banks, with deposit and loan facilities, mortgages, pawnshops, house-leases, land-leases, with payment in crops, et cetera. Of interest might be the letter of Melas relative to funeral expenses:
I paid him the costs of the carriage of the body amounting to three hundred and forty drachmas in the old coinage. I wonder exceedingly that you went off so cruelly, without taking the body of your brother, but that having collected all that he had you then went off. From this I learned that it was not on account of the dead man you came here, but on account of his
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10 Davis, W. H., Greek Papyri, of the First Century, p. 8 (A. D. 1).
11 Davis, W. H., Ibid., p. 24 (A. D. 27).
[77] goods. See to it therefore that you furnish the sums expended. The expenses are—the price of medicine 60 old drachmas, the price of wine on the first day, two choi 32 old drachmas, for outlay in delicacies and foods 16 drachmas, to the undertaker (for conveying the body) to the desert, in addition to the payment agreed upon, one chous (of wine) 20 drachmas, two choi of olive oil 12 drachmas, one artaba of barley 20 drachmas, the price of a linen cloth 20 drachmas, and of the cost (for the transport of the body) as is detailed above 340 drachmas. Total of the account for the whole outlay five hundred and twenty drachmas of the old coinage. Total 520 drachmas. . . .12
In considering the relations of the family to the State, we first think of the census rolls, the birth reports, the lists of the dead and lists of paupers. The census was taken every fourteen years and no doubt served for taxation purposes. It was to the family’s advantage to duly make record of the dead, then, that the deceased might be no longer responsible for taxes.
The postal service is an interesting study. There was no public service, so the service was personal and often lacking. Along the main roads there were ample facilities and sufficient travel, but for out-of-the-way places it had to be seldom. Often an additional verbal message was delivered by the carrier. There was, of course, the Imperial Post which took care of the official mail, and which, we learn, operated very methodically. A papyrus of about 255 B. C. says:
Careful note is made of the day and hour of the arrival of each messenger, his name and that of the clerk who received and issued letters at the office, the number and addresses of the packets, and the names of the messengers to whom they were handed on.13
Of interest also is the matter of police protection, complaints, court trials and the like. Some serious complaints, as theft, assault, acts of violence, the cutting-off of vines, et cetera, brought in complaints that were no doubt real problems to the officials. It is interesting to note the tone of expectation of relief in the complaints:
They broke through a window which overlooks a public street and which had been blocked up with bricks, probably using a log as a battering-ram against the place. Then they entered the house through this window, and from what was stored in the house they carried away only ten artabae of barley. She inferred that this was let down piecemeal through the said window from the traces of rope upon it, a fact which she made known to the chief of police of the village and to the other officials. I am therefore compelled to submit this petition, and I beg you to order that the chief of police and the other officials be brought before you, and to make the necessary investi-
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12 Milligan G., Selections . . . pp. 119f (3rd-4th C. A. D.).
13 Milligan, G., Here and There . . . pp. 115f.
[78]gation about the robbery which took place, to the end that I may be able to recover the barley.14
Social life and functions include invitations to dinners, to wedding feasts (which are usually for “tomorrow,” and for the ninth hour (3 p.m.), and certain festivals. Witness this papyrus:
Antonius, son of Ptolemaeus, invites you to dine with him at the table of the lord Serapis in the house of Claudius Serapion on the 16th at nine o’clock.15
Health and medical attention was of course of interest to the family. We find hospitals mentioned in the fourth to sixth centuries, but earlier there are physicians. One doctor was before the court claiming immunity from some sort of public service because of his profession, and it was the task of the judge to determine his qualifications as a physician. The test was: “Tell me, if you are an authorized doctor, the solvent used for mummification, and you will receive the immunity.”16 Eye diseases were common, as Tryphon’s cataract; a slave girl was certified as sound except for epilepsy and leprosy, and there were many recipes for headaches and fevers, including the use of charms.
To conclude this study of the section on Family Life as reflected in the papyri, one needs merely to say that very concretely they announce that human nature has not changed—people then were as people now, except for a different setting with different traditions.
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14 Winter, J. G., op. cit., p. 110 (190 A. D.).
15 Milligan, G., Here and there . . . p. 101f. (2nd C. A. D.).
16 Winter, J. G., Ibid., p. 130 (2nd C. A. D.).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Davis, W. H. Greek Papyri of the First Century, Harper and Bros. New York and London, 1933.
Deissman, A. Light From the Ancient East, Tr by L. R. M. Strachan. 4th Ed. Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1927.
Meecham, H. G. Light From Ancient Letters, New York, MacMillan Co., 1923.
Milligan, Geo. Here and There Among the Papyri, London, Hodder and Stoughton, Ltd., 1922.
Milligan, Geo. Selections From the Greek Papyri, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1927.
Winter, J. G. Life and Letters in the Papyri, The Jerome Lectures, Ann Arbor, Univ. of Mich. Press, 1933.